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This section includes InterviewSolutions, each offering curated multiple-choice questions to sharpen your knowledge and support exam preparation. Choose a topic below to get started.
| 101. |
(A) Two of the best-performing major economies in 2014 were China and Brazil, with growth estimated at 7.5% and 10.5% respectively. (B) Despite that limp growth,major US stock market indexes are up between 11% and20% for the year.(C ) Even knowing where economies are headed sometimes it is of no help to an investor. (D) It is hard to anticipate the direction of financial markets. (E) But as of December, stock markets of both nations were in the red for the year. (F)By contrast, the US economy is likely to have expanded at only about 2.6% for the year. Which of the following would be the FOURTH sentence? |
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Answer» A |
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| 102. |
(A) Two of the best-performing major economies in 2014 were China and Brazil, with growth estimated at 7.5% and 10.5% respectively. (B) Despite that limp growth,major US stock market indexes are up between 11% and20% for the year.(C ) Even knowing where economies are headed sometimes it is of no help to an investor. (D) It is hard to anticipate the direction of financial markets. (E) But as of December, stock markets of both nations were in the red for the year. (F)By contrast, the US economy is likely to have expanded at only about 2.6% for the year. Which of the following would be the FIFTH sentence? |
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Answer» A |
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| 103. |
(A) Two of the best-performing major economies in 2014 were China and Brazil, with growth estimated at 7.5% and 10.5% respectively. (B) Despite that limp growth,major US stock market indexes are up between 11% and20% for the year.(C ) Even knowing where economies are headed sometimes it is of no help to an investor. (D) It is hard to anticipate the direction of financial markets. (E) But as of December, stock markets of both nations were in the red for the year. (F)By contrast, the US economy is likely to have expanded at only about 2.6% for the year. Which of the following would be the SECOND sentence? |
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Answer» A |
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| 104. |
(A) Two of the best-performing major economies in 2014 were China and Brazil, with growth estimated at 7.5% and 10.5% respectively. (B) Despite that limp growth,major US stock market indexes are up between 11% and20% for the year.(C ) Even knowing where economies are headed sometimes it is of no help to an investor. (D) It is hard to anticipate the direction of financial markets. (E) But as of December, stock markets of both nations were in the red for the year. (F)By contrast, the US economy is likely to have expanded at only about 2.6% for the year. Which of the following would be the SIXTH (LAST) sentence? |
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Answer» A |
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| 105. |
(A) Two of the best-performing major economies in 2014 were China and Brazil, with growth estimated at 7.5% and 10.5% respectively. (B) Despite that limp growth,major US stock market indexes are up between 11% and20% for the year.(C ) Even knowing where economies are headed sometimes it is of no help to an investor. (D) It is hard to anticipate the direction of financial markets. (E) But as of December, stock markets of both nations were in the red for the year. (F)By contrast, the US economy is likely to have expanded at only about 2.6% for the year. Which of the following would be the FIRST sentence? |
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Answer» B |
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| 106. |
(A) As a consequence, even if it is plausible that ambient air pollution plays a role for theonset and increasing frequency of respiratory allergy, it is not easy to prove this conclusively. (B) Another factor clouding the issue is that laboratory evaluations do not reflect what happens during natural exposure when when atmospheric pollution mixtures are inhaled. (C) Interpretation of studies are confounded by the effect of cigarette smoke . exposure to indoor pollutants and to outdoors and indoors allergens. (D) However, despite evidence of a correlation between the increasing frequency of respiratory allergy and the increasing trend in air pollutions, the link and interaction is still speculative. (E) Allergic respiratory diseases such as hay fever and bronchial asthma have indeed become more common in the last decades in all industrialized countries and the reasons for this increase are still debated. (F) Several studies have shown the adverse effects of ambient air pollution on respiratory health . Which of the following should be the SECONDsentence after rearrangement ? |
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Answer» A |
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| 107. |
(A) As a consequence, even if it is plausible that ambient air pollution plays a role for theonset and increasing frequency of respiratory allergy, it is not easy to prove this conclusively. (B) Another factor clouding the issue is that laboratory evaluations do not reflect what happens during natural exposure when when atmospheric pollution mixtures are inhaled. (C) Interpretation of studies are confounded by the effect of cigarette smoke . exposure to indoor pollutants and to outdoors and indoors allergens. (D) However, despite evidence of a correlation between the increasing frequency of respiratory allergy and the increasing trend in air pollutions, the link and interaction is still speculative. (E) Allergic respiratory diseases such as hay fever and bronchial asthma have indeed become more common in the last decades in all industrialized countries and the reasons for this increase are still debated. (F) Several studies have shown the adverse effects of ambient air pollution on respiratory health . Which of the following should be the THIRD sentence after rearrangement ? |
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Answer» A |
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| 108. |
(A) As a consequence, even if it is plausible that ambient air pollution plays a role for theonset and increasing frequency of respiratory allergy, it is not easy to prove this conclusively. (B) Another factor clouding the issue is that laboratory evaluations do not reflect what happens during natural exposure when when atmospheric pollution mixtures are inhaled. (C) Interpretation of studies are confounded by the effect of cigarette smoke . exposure to indoor pollutants and to outdoors and indoors allergens. (D) However, despite evidence of a correlation between the increasing frequency of respiratory allergy and the increasing trend in air pollutions, the link and interaction is still speculative. (E) Allergic respiratory diseases such as hay fever and bronchial asthma have indeed become more common in the last decades in all industrialized countries and the reasons for this increase are still debated. (F) Several studies have shown the adverse effects of ambient air pollution on respiratory health . Which of the following should be the FOURTH sentence after rearrangement ? |
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Answer» A |
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| 109. |
(A) As a consequence, even if it is plausible that ambient air pollution plays a role for theonset and increasing frequency of respiratory allergy, it is not easy to prove this conclusively. (B) Another factor clouding the issue is that laboratory evaluations do not reflect what happens during natural exposure when when atmospheric pollution mixtures are inhaled. (C) Interpretation of studies are confounded by the effect of cigarette smoke . exposure to indoor pollutants and to outdoors and indoors allergens. (D) However, despite evidence of a correlation between the increasing frequency of respiratory allergy and the increasing trend in air pollutions, the link and interaction is still speculative. (E) Allergic respiratory diseases such as hay fever and bronchial asthma have indeed become more common in the last decades in all industrialized countries and the reasons for this increase are still debated. (F) Several studies have shown the adverse effects of ambient air pollution on respiratory health . Which of the following should be the LASTsentence after rearrangement ? |
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Answer» A |
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| 110. |
(A) As a consequence, even if it is plausible that ambient air pollution plays a role for theonset and increasing frequency of respiratory allergy, it is not easy to prove this conclusively. (B) Another factor clouding the issue is that laboratory evaluations do not reflect what happens during natural exposure when when atmospheric pollution mixtures are inhaled. (C) Interpretation of studies are confounded by the effect of cigarette smoke . exposure to indoor pollutants and to outdoors and indoors allergens. (D) However, despite evidence of a correlation between the increasing frequency of respiratory allergy and the increasing trend in air pollutions, the link and interaction is still speculative. (E) Allergic respiratory diseases such as hay fever and bronchial asthma have indeed become more common in the last decades in all industrialized countries and the reasons for this increase are still debated. (F) Several studies have shown the adverse effects of ambient air pollution on respiratory health . Which of the following should be the FIRSTsentence after rearrangement ? |
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Answer» A |
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| 111. |
(A) The woodcutter thankfully broke off from work and sat down to eat the delicious meal that his wife had sent for him. (B) He was in a good mood that particular morning and soon started singing as he swung his axe at the log of wood in front of him. (C) After he had eaten his meal and taken rest for a while the woodcutter got back to work. (D) The hours passed and the sun became hotter than ever and very soon perspiraton started breaking out on the woodcutter'shands and face. (E) One hot summer's morning a woodcutter was hard at work, chopping wood into small pieces, so that he could sell them in the market. (F) As it neared afternoon, his wife sent their little son to him with food for the afternoon. Which of the following should be the LAST (SIXTH) sentence after rearrangement ? |
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Answer» A |
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| 112. |
(A) The woodcutter thankfully broke off from work and sat down to eat the delicious meal that his wife had sent for him. (B) He was in a good mood that particular morning and soon started singing as he swung his axe at the log of wood in front of him. (C) After he had eaten his meal and taken rest for a while the woodcutter got back to work. (D) The hours passed and the sun became hotter than ever and very soon perspiraton started breaking out on the woodcutter'shands and face. (E) One hot summer's morning a woodcutter was hard at work, chopping wood into small pieces, so that he could sell them in the market. (F) As it neared afternoon, his wife sent their little son to him with food for the afternoon. Which of the following should be the THIRD sentence after rearrangement ? |
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Answer» A |
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| 113. |
(A) The woodcutter thankfully broke off from work and sat down to eat the delicious meal that his wife had sent for him. (B) He was in a good mood that particular morning and soon started singing as he swung his axe at the log of wood in front of him. (C) After he had eaten his meal and taken rest for a while the woodcutter got back to work. (D) The hours passed and the sun became hotter than ever and very soon perspiraton started breaking out on the woodcutter'shands and face. (E) One hot summer's morning a woodcutter was hard at work, chopping wood into small pieces, so that he could sell them in the market. (F) As it neared afternoon, his wife sent their little son to him with food for the afternoon. Which of the following should be the FIRST sentence after rearrangement ? |
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Answer» A |
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| 114. |
(A) The woodcutter thankfully broke off from work and sat down to eat the delicious meal that his wife had sent for him. (B) He was in a good mood that particular morning and soon started singing as he swung his axe at the log of wood in front of him. (C) After he had eaten his meal and taken rest for a while the woodcutter got back to work. (D) The hours passed and the sun became hotter than ever and very soon perspiraton started breaking out on the woodcutter'shands and face. (E) One hot summer's morning a woodcutter was hard at work, chopping wood into small pieces, so that he could sell them in the market. (F) As it neared afternoon, his wife sent their little son to him with food for the afternoon. Which of the following should be the SECOND sentence after rearrangement ? |
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Answer» A |
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| 115. |
(A) The woodcutter thankfully broke off from work and sat down to eat the delicious meal that his wife had sent for him. (B) He was in a good mood that particular morning and soon started singing as he swung his axe at the log of wood in front of him. (C) After he had eaten his meal and taken rest for a while the woodcutter got back to work. (D) The hours passed and the sun became hotter than ever and very soon perspiraton started breaking out on the woodcutter'shands and face. (E) One hot summer's morning a woodcutter was hard at work, chopping wood into small pieces, so that he could sell them in the market. (F) As it neared afternoon, his wife sent their little son to him with food for the afternoon. Which of the following should be the FOURTH sentence after rearrangement ? |
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Answer» F |
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| 116. |
(A) Financial conditions in global markets are favourable at the moment, but a significant tightening could put pressure on both private sector and government finances - which could then affect growth prospectsin these economies. (B) It is now working on a new fiscal framework aimed at reducing both the fiscal deficit and the debt stock in the coming years. (C ) Government finances have worsened in emerging market economiesat a time when debt in the private sector has also gone up sharply. (D) The World Bank's new Global Economic Prospects report has highlighted increasing fiscal vulnerabilities in some emerging market and developing economies (EMDEs). (E ) According to the report, in more than half the EMDEs, governmentdebt has gone up by more than 10 percentage points of gross domestic product, while fiscal balance has deterioratedby five percentage points in one-third of the economies between 2007 and 2016. (F) India, meanwhile, has doen well in recent years by lowering the fiscal deficit. Which of the following sentence should be the LAST after rearrangement? |
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Answer» C |
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| 117. |
(A) Financial conditions in global markets are favourable at the moment, but a significant tightening could put pressure on both private sector and government finances - which could then affect growth prospectsin these economies. (B) It is now working on a new fiscal framework aimed at reducing both the fiscal deficit and the debt stock in the coming years. (C ) Government finances have worsened in emerging market economiesat a time when debt in the private sector has also gone up sharply. (D) The World Bank's new Global Economic Prospects report has highlighted increasing fiscal vulnerabilities in some emerging market and developing economies (EMDEs). (E ) According to the report, in more than half the EMDEs, governmentdebt has gone up by more than 10 percentage points of gross domestic product, while fiscal balance has deterioratedby five percentage points in one-third of the economies between 2007 and 2016. (F) India, meanwhile, has doen well in recent years by lowering the fiscal deficit. Which of the following sentence should be the THIRD after rearrangement? |
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Answer» A |
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| 118. |
(A) Financial conditions in global markets are favourable at the moment, but a significant tightening could put pressure on both private sector and government finances - which could then affect growth prospectsin these economies. (B) It is now working on a new fiscal framework aimed at reducing both the fiscal deficit and the debt stock in the coming years. (C ) Government finances have worsened in emerging market economiesat a time when debt in the private sector has also gone up sharply. (D) The World Bank's new Global Economic Prospects report has highlighted increasing fiscal vulnerabilities in some emerging market and developing economies (EMDEs). (E ) According to the report, in more than half the EMDEs, governmentdebt has gone up by more than 10 percentage points of gross domestic product, while fiscal balance has deterioratedby five percentage points in one-third of the economies between 2007 and 2016. (F) India, meanwhile, has doen well in recent years by lowering the fiscal deficit. Which of the following sentence should be the FIRST after rearrangement? |
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Answer» D |
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| 119. |
(A) Financial conditions in global markets are favourable at the moment, but a significant tightening could put pressure on both private sector and government finances - which could then affect growth prospectsin these economies. (B) It is now working on a new fiscal framework aimed at reducing both the fiscal deficit and the debt stock in the coming years. (C ) Government finances have worsened in emerging market economiesat a time when debt in the private sector has also gone up sharply. (D) The World Bank's new Global Economic Prospects report has highlighted increasing fiscal vulnerabilities in some emerging market and developing economies (EMDEs). (E ) According to the report, in more than half the EMDEs, governmentdebt has gone up by more than 10 percentage points of gross domestic product, while fiscal balance has deterioratedby five percentage points in one-third of the economies between 2007 and 2016. (F) India, meanwhile, has doen well in recent years by lowering the fiscal deficit. Which of the following sentence should be the SECOND after rearrangement? |
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Answer» B |
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| 120. |
(A) Financial conditions in global markets are favourable at the moment, but a significant tightening could put pressure on both private sector and government finances - which could then affect growth prospectsin these economies. (B) It is now working on a new fiscal framework aimed at reducing both the fiscal deficit and the debt stock in the coming years. (C ) Government finances have worsened in emerging market economiesat a time when debt in the private sector has also gone up sharply. (D) The World Bank's new Global Economic Prospects report has highlighted increasing fiscal vulnerabilities in some emerging market and developing economies (EMDEs). (E ) According to the report, in more than half the EMDEs, governmentdebt has gone up by more than 10 percentage points of gross domestic product, while fiscal balance has deterioratedby five percentage points in one-third of the economies between 2007 and 2016. (F) India, meanwhile, has doen well in recent years by lowering the fiscal deficit. Which of the following sentence should be the FOURTH after rearrangement? |
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Answer» A The correct Sequence is DECAFB. |
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| 121. |
(A)Some others, like the European nations, have a low birth rate and a low death rate. (B) Many others have a high birth rate with a low death rat. (C ) Different countries show different patterns of growth. Some have high birth rate and still have a high death rate. (E) Compared to this is Europe the growth rate is low. (F) The developing countries show the most rapid growth rate. Which will the SECOND sentence in the Para ? |
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Answer» A |
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| 122. |
(A)Some others, like the European nations, have a low birth rate and a low death rate. (B) Many others have a high birth rate with a low death rat. (C ) Different countries show different patterns of growth. Some have high birth rate and still have a high death rate. (E) Compared to this is Europe the growth rate is low. (F) The developing countries show the most rapid growth rate. Which will the LAST sentence in the Para ? |
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Answer» A |
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| 123. |
(A)Some others, like the European nations, have a low birth rate and a low death rate. (B) Many others have a high birth rate with a low death rat. (C ) Different countries show different patterns of growth. Some have high birth rate and still have a high death rate. (E) Compared to this is Europe the growth rate is low. (F) The developing countries show the most rapid growth rate. Which will the FIRST sentence in the Para ? |
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Answer» E |
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| 124. |
(A)Some others, like the European nations, have a low birth rate and a low death rate. (B) Many others have a high birth rate with a low death rat. (C ) Different countries show different patterns of growth. (D)Some have high birth rate and still have a high death rate. (E) Compared to this is Europe the growth rate is low. (F) The developing countries show the most rapid growth rate. Which will the FIFTH sentence in the Para ? |
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Answer» E |
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| 125. |
(A)Some others, like the European nations, have a low birth rate and a low death rate. (B) Many others have a high birth rate with a low death rat. (C ) Different countries show different patterns of growth. Some have high birth rate and still have a high death rate. (E) Compared to this is Europe the growth rate is low. (F) The developing countries show the most rapid growth rate. Which will the THIRD sentence in the Para ? |
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Answer» B |
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| 126. |
Amartya Sen wrote about the Indian tradition of skepticism and heterodoxy of opinion that led to high levels of intellectual argument. The power sector in India is a victim of this tradition at its worst. Instead of forcefully communicating, supporting and honestly and firmly implementing policies, people just debate them. It is argued that central undertakings produce power at lower tariffs and must therefore build most of the required extra capacities. This is a delusion. They no longer have access to low- cost government fonds. Uncertainty about payment reillains a reason for the hesitation of private investment. They had to sell only to SEBs (State Electricity Boards). SEB balance sheets are cleaner after . the ''securitisation" of the Rs 40,000 crore or so owed by SEBs to central government undertakings, now shown as debt instruments. But state governments have not implemented agreed plans to ensure repayment when due. The current annual losses of around Rs 28,000 crore make repayment highly uncertain. The central undertakings that are thejr main suppliers have payment security because the government will come to their help. Private enterprises do not have such assurance and are concerned about payment security, that must be resolved. By the late 1890s, improving the SEB finances was recognised as fundamental to power reform. Unbundling SEBs, working under corporate discipline and even privatisation and not vertically integrated state enterprises, are necessary for efficient and finandally viable electricity enterprises. Since government will not distance itself from managing them, privatising is an option. The Delhi model has worked. But. it receives no public support. The Electricity Act 2003, the APRDP (Accelerated Power Reform and Development Programme) with its incentives and · penalties, and the creation of independent regulatory commissions, were the means to bring about reforms to improve financial viability of power sector Implementation has been half-hearted and results disappointing. The concurrent nature of electricity in the Constitutiort impedes power sector improvement. States are more responsive to populist pressures than the central government, and less inclined to take drastic action against electricity thieves. Captive power would add significantly to capacity. I However, captive generation, three years after the Act enabledit, has added little to capacity because rules for open access ,were delayed. Redefined captive generation avoids state vetoes on purchase lr sale of electricity except to state electricity enterprises. Mandating open access on state-owned wires to power regardless of ownership and customer would encourage electricity trading. The Act recognised electncity trading as a separate activity. A surcharge on transmission chsrges will pay for cross-subsidies. These were to be eliminated m time. Rules for open access and the quantum of surcharge by each state commission (under broad principles defined by the central commission) have yet to be announced by same. The few who have announced the surcharge have kept it so high that no tradmg can take place. Why are the central undertakings not capable of generating power -at low cost? |
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Answer» DUE to paucity of low-cost funds |
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| 127. |
Amartya Sen wrote about the Indian tradition of skepticism and heterodoxy of opinion that led to high levels of intellectual argument. The power sector in India is a victim of this tradition at its worst. Instead of forcefully communicating, supporting and honestly and firmly implementing policies, people just debate them. It is argued that central undertakings produce power at lower tariffs and must therefore build most of the required extra capacities. This is a delusion. They no longer have access to low- cost government fonds. Uncertainty about payment reillains a reason for the hesitation of private investment. They had to sell only to SEBs (State Electricity Boards). SEB balance sheets are cleaner after . the ''securitisation" of the Rs 40,000 crore or so owed by SEBs to central government undertakings, now shown as debt instruments. But state governments have not implemented agreed plans to ensure repayment when due. The current annual losses of around Rs 28,000 crore make repayment highly uncertain. The central undertakings that are thejr main suppliers have payment security because the government will come to their help. Private enterprises do not have such assurance and are concerned about payment security, that must be resolved. By the late 1890s, improving the SEB finances was recognised as fundamental to power reform. Unbundling SEBs, working under corporate discipline and even privatisation and not vertically integrated state enterprises, are necessary for efficient and finandally viable electricity enterprises. Since government will not distance itself from managing them, privatising is an option. The Delhi model has worked. But. it receives no public support. The Electricity Act 2003, the APRDP (Accelerated Power Reform and Development Programme) with its incentives and · penalties, and the creation of independent regulatory commissions, were the means to bring about reforms to improve financial viability of power sector Implementation has been half-hearted and results disappointing. The concurrent nature of electricity in the Constitutiort impedes power sector improvement. States are more responsive to populist pressures than the central government, and less inclined to take drastic action against electricity thieves. Captive power would add significantly to capacity. I However, captive generation, three years after the Act enabledit, has added little to capacity because rules for open access ,were delayed. Redefined captive generation avoids state vetoes on purchase lr sale of electricity except to state electricity enterprises. Mandating open access on state-owned wires to power regardless of ownership and customer would encourage electricity trading. The Act recognised electncity trading as a separate activity. A surcharge on transmission chsrges will pay for cross-subsidies. These were to be eliminated m time. Rules for open access and the quantum of surcharge by each state commission (under broad principles defined by the central commission) have yet to be announced by same. The few who have announced the surcharge have kept it so high that no tradmg can take place. Which of the following is the reason for apathy of private investors in power sector? |
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Answer» Their hesitation |
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| 128. |
Amartya Sen wrote about the Indian tradition of skepticism and heterodoxy of opinion that led to high levels of intellectual argument. The power sector in India is a victim of this tradition at its worst. Instead of forcefully communicating, supporting and honestly and firmly implementing policies, people just debate them. It is argued that central undertakings produce power at lower tariffs and must therefore build most of the required extra capacities. This is a delusion. They no longer have access to low- cost government fonds. Uncertainty about payment reillains a reason for the hesitation of private investment. They had to sell only to SEBs (State Electricity Boards). SEB balance sheets are cleaner after . the ''securitisation" of the Rs 40,000 crore or so owed by SEBs to central government undertakings, now shown as debt instruments. But state governments have not implemented agreed plans to ensure repayment when due. The current annual losses of around Rs 28,000 crore make repayment highly uncertain. The central undertakings that are thejr main suppliers have payment security because the government will come to their help. Private enterprises do not have such assurance and are concerned about payment security, that must be resolved. By the late 1890s, improving the SEB finances was recognised as fundamental to power reform. Unbundling SEBs, working under corporate discipline and even privatisation and not vertically integrated state enterprises, are necessary for efficient and finandally viable electricity enterprises. Since government will not distance itself from managing them, privatising is an option. The Delhi model has worked. But. it receives no public support. The Electricity Act 2003, the APRDP (Accelerated Power Reform and Development Programme) with its incentives and · penalties, and the creation of independent regulatory commissions, were the means to bring about reforms to improve financial viability of power sector Implementation has been half-hearted and results disappointing. The concurrent nature of electricity in the Constitutiort impedes power sector improvement. States are more responsive to populist pressures than the central government, and less inclined to take drastic action against electricity thieves. Captive power would add significantly to capacity. I However, captive generation, three years after the Act enabledit, has added little to capacity because rules for open access ,were delayed. Redefined captive generation avoids state vetoes on purchase lr sale of electricity except to state electricity enterprises. Mandating open access on state-owned wires to power regardless of ownership and customer would encourage electricity trading. The Act recognised electncity trading as a separate activity. A surcharge on transmission chsrges will pay for cross-subsidies. These were to be eliminated m time. Rules for open access and the quantum of surcharge by each state commission (under broad principles defined by the central commission) have yet to be announced by same. The few who have announced the surcharge have kept it so high that no tradmg can take place. The author thinks it appropriate to - |
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Answer» discuss any policy in details and make it FOOL proof instead of implementing it hastily. |
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| 129. |
Amartya Sen wrote about the Indian tradition of skepticism and heterodoxy of opinion that led to high levels of intellectual argument. The power sector in India is a victim of this tradition at its worst. Instead of forcefully communicating, supporting and honestly and firmly implementing policies, people just debate them. It is argued that central undertakings produce power at lower tariffs and must therefore build most of the required extra capacities. This is a delusion. They no longer have access to low- cost government fonds. Uncertainty about payment reillains a reason for the hesitation of private investment. They had to sell only to SEBs (State Electricity Boards). SEB balance sheets are cleaner after . the ''securitisation" of the Rs 40,000 crore or so owed by SEBs to central government undertakings, now shown as debt instruments. But state governments have not implemented agreed plans to ensure repayment when due. The current annual losses of around Rs 28,000 crore make repayment highly uncertain. The central undertakings that are thejr main suppliers have payment security because the government will come to their help. Private enterprises do not have such assurance and are concerned about payment security, that must be resolved. By the late 1890s, improving the SEB finances was recognised as fundamental to power reform. Unbundling SEBs, working under corporate discipline and even privatisation and not vertically integrated state enterprises, are necessary for efficient and finandally viable electricity enterprises. Since government will not distance itself from managing them, privatising is an option. The Delhi model has worked. But. it receives no public support. The Electricity Act 2003, the APRDP (Accelerated Power Reform and Development Programme) with its incentives and · penalties, and the creation of independent regulatory commissions, were the means to bring about reforms to improve financial viability of power sector Implementation has been half-hearted and results disappointing. The concurrent nature of electricity in the Constitutiort impedes power sector improvement. States are more responsive to populist pressures than the central government, and less inclined to take drastic action against electricity thieves. Captive power would add significantly to capacity. I However, captive generation, three years after the Act enabledit, has added little to capacity because rules for open access ,were delayed. Redefined captive generation avoids state vetoes on purchase lr sale of electricity except to state electricity enterprises. Mandating open access on state-owned wires to power regardless of ownership and customer would encourage electricity trading. The Act recognised electncity trading as a separate activity. A surcharge on transmission chsrges will pay for cross-subsidies. These were to be eliminated m time. Rules for open access and the quantum of surcharge by each state commission (under broad principles defined by the central commission) have yet to be announced by same. The few who have announced the surcharge have kept it so high that no tradmg can take place. The example of "Delhi Model " quoted by the author underlines his feelings of A. happiness about its success. B. unhappiness for lack of public support C. disgust towards privatisation |
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Answer» (A) and (B) only |
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| 130. |
Amartya Sen wrote about the Indian tradition of skepticism and heterodoxy of opinion that led to high levels of intellectual argument. The power sector in India is a victim of this tradition at its worst. Instead of forcefully communicating, supporting and honestly and firmly implementing policies, people just debate them. It is argued that central undertakings produce power at lower tariffs and must therefore build most of the required extra capacities. This is a delusion. They no longer have access to low- cost government fonds. Uncertainty about payment reillains a reason for the hesitation of private investment. They had to sell only to SEBs (State Electricity Boards). SEB balance sheets are cleaner after . the ''securitisation" of the Rs 40,000 crore or so owed by SEBs to central government undertakings, now shown as debt instruments. But state governments have not implemented agreed plans to ensure repayment when due. The current annual losses of around Rs 28,000 crore make repayment highly uncertain. The central undertakings that are thejr main suppliers have payment security because the government will come to their help. Private enterprises do not have such assurance and are concerned about payment security, that must be resolved. By the late 1890s, improving the SEB finances was recognised as fundamental to power reform. Unbundling SEBs, working under corporate discipline and even privatisation and not vertically integrated state enterprises, are necessary for efficient and finandally viable electricity enterprises. Since government will not distance itself from managing them, privatising is an option. The Delhi model has worked. But. it receives no public support. The Electricity Act 2003, the APRDP (Accelerated Power Reform and Development Programme) with its incentives and · penalties, and the creation of independent regulatory commissions, were the means to bring about reforms to improve financial viability of power sector Implementation has been half-hearted and results disappointing. The concurrent nature of electricity in the Constitutiort impedes power sector improvement. States are more responsive to populist pressures than the central government, and less inclined to take drastic action against electricity thieves. Captive power would add significantly to capacity. I However, captive generation, three years after the Act enabledit, has added little to capacity because rules for open access ,were delayed. Redefined captive generation avoids state vetoes on purchase lr sale of electricity except to state electricity enterprises. Mandating open access on state-owned wires to power regardless of ownership and customer would encourage electricity trading. The Act recognised electncity trading as a separate activity. A surcharge on transmission chsrges will pay for cross-subsidies. These were to be eliminated m time. Rules for open access and the quantum of surcharge by each state commission (under broad principles defined by the central commission) have yet to be announced by same. The few who have announced the surcharge have kept it so high that no tradmg can take place. Which of the following was/were not considered as the instrument(s) to accomplish financial well-being of power sector? |
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Answer» The Electricity ACT 2003 |
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| 131. |
Amartya Sen wrote about the Indian tradition of skepticism and heterodoxy of opinion that led to high levels of intellectual argument. The power sector in India is a victim of this tradition at its worst. Instead of forcefully communicating, supporting and honestly and firmly implementing policies, people just debate them. It is argued that central undertakings produce power at lower tariffs and must therefore build most of the required extra capacities. This is a delusion. They no longer have access to low- cost government fonds. Uncertainty about payment reillains a reason for the hesitation of private investment. They had to sell only to SEBs (State Electricity Boards). SEB balance sheets are cleaner after . the ''securitisation" of the Rs 40,000 crore or so owed by SEBs to central government undertakings, now shown as debt instruments. But state governments have not implemented agreed plans to ensure repayment when due. The current annual losses of around Rs 28,000 crore make repayment highly uncertain. The central undertakings that are thejr main suppliers have payment security because the government will come to their help. Private enterprises do not have such assurance and are concerned about payment security, that must be resolved. By the late 1890s, improving the SEB finances was recognised as fundamental to power reform. Unbundling SEBs, working under corporate discipline and even privatisation and not vertically integrated state enterprises, are necessary for efficient and finandally viable electricity enterprises. Since government will not distance itself from managing them, privatising is an option. The Delhi model has worked. But. it receives no public support. The Electricity Act 2003, the APRDP (Accelerated Power Reform and Development Programme) with its incentives and · penalties, and the creation of independent regulatory commissions, were the means to bring about reforms to improve financial viability of power sector Implementation has been half-hearted and results disappointing. The concurrent nature of electricity in the Constitutiort impedes power sector improvement. States are more responsive to populist pressures than the central government, and less inclined to take drastic action against electricity thieves. Captive power would add significantly to capacity. I However, captive generation, three years after the Act enabledit, has added little to capacity because rules for open access ,were delayed. Redefined captive generation avoids state vetoes on purchase lr sale of electricity except to state electricity enterprises. Mandating open access on state-owned wires to power regardless of ownership and customer would encourage electricity trading. The Act recognised electncity trading as a separate activity. A surcharge on transmission chsrges will pay for cross-subsidies. These were to be eliminated m time. Rules for open access and the quantum of surcharge by each state commission (under broad principles defined by the central commission) have yet to be announced by same. The few who have announced the surcharge have kept it so high that no tradmg can take place. What was tµe serious omission on the part of the State Government? |
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Answer» AGREEMENT for late recovery of dues |
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| 132. |
Amartya Sen wrote about the Indian tradition of skepticism and heterodoxy of opinion that led to high levels of intellectual argument. The power sector in India is a victim of this tradition at its worst. Instead of forcefully communicating, supporting and honestly and firmly implementing policies, people just debate them. It is argued that central undertakings produce power at lower tariffs and must therefore build most of the required extra capacities. This is a delusion. They no longer have access to low- cost government fonds. Uncertainty about payment reillains a reason for the hesitation of private investment. They had to sell only to SEBs (State Electricity Boards). SEB balance sheets are cleaner after . the ''securitisation" of the Rs 40,000 crore or so owed by SEBs to central government undertakings, now shown as debt instruments. But state governments have not implemented agreed plans to ensure repayment when due. The current annual losses of around Rs 28,000 crore make repayment highly uncertain. The central undertakings that are thejr main suppliers have payment security because the government will come to their help. Private enterprises do not have such assurance and are concerned about payment security, that must be resolved. By the late 1890s, improving the SEB finances was recognised as fundamental to power reform. Unbundling SEBs, working under corporate discipline and even privatisation and not vertically integrated state enterprises, are necessary for efficient and finandally viable electricity enterprises. Since government will not distance itself from managing them, privatising is an option. The Delhi model has worked. But. it receives no public support. The Electricity Act 2003, the APRDP (Accelerated Power Reform and Development Programme) with its incentives and · penalties, and the creation of independent regulatory commissions, were the means to bring about reforms to improve financial viability of power sector Implementation has been half-hearted and results disappointing. The concurrent nature of electricity in the Constitutiort impedes power sector improvement. States are more responsive to populist pressures than the central government, and less inclined to take drastic action against electricity thieves. Captive power would add significantly to capacity. I However, captive generation, three years after the Act enabledit, has added little to capacity because rules for open access ,were delayed. Redefined captive generation avoids state vetoes on purchase lr sale of electricity except to state electricity enterprises. Mandating open access on state-owned wires to power regardless of ownership and customer would encourage electricity trading. The Act recognised electncity trading as a separate activity. A surcharge on transmission chsrges will pay for cross-subsidies. These were to be eliminated m time. Rules for open access and the quantum of surcharge by each state commission (under broad principles defined by the central commission) have yet to be announced by same. The few who have announced the surcharge have kept it so high that no tradmg can take place. Which of the following is/are considered necessary for improving performance of electricity enterprises? A Corporate work culture B. Privatisation C. Properly integrated state enterprises |
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Answer» All the three |
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| 133. |
Amartya Sen wrote about the Indian tradition of skepticism and heterodoxy of opinion that led to high levels of intellectual argument. The power sector in India is a victim of this tradition at its worst. Instead of forcefully communicating, supporting and honestly and firmly implementing policies, people just debate them. It is argued that central undertakings produce power at lower tariffs and must therefore build most of the required extra capacities. This is a delusion. They no longer have access to low- cost government fonds. Uncertainty about payment reillains a reason for the hesitation of private investment. They had to sell only to SEBs (State Electricity Boards). SEB balance sheets are cleaner after . the ''securitisation" of the Rs 40,000 crore or so owed by SEBs to central government undertakings, now shown as debt instruments. But state governments have not implemented agreed plans to ensure repayment when due. The current annual losses of around Rs 28,000 crore make repayment highly uncertain. The central undertakings that are thejr main suppliers have payment security because the government will come to their help. Private enterprises do not have such assurance and are concerned about payment security, that must be resolved. By the late 1890s, improving the SEB finances was recognised as fundamental to power reform. Unbundling SEBs, working under corporate discipline and even privatisation and not vertically integrated state enterprises, are necessary for efficient and finandally viable electricity enterprises. Since government will not distance itself from managing them, privatising is an option. The Delhi model has worked. But. it receives no public support. The Electricity Act 2003, the APRDP (Accelerated Power Reform and Development Programme) with its incentives and · penalties, and the creation of independent regulatory commissions, were the means to bring about reforms to improve financial viability of power sector Implementation has been half-hearted and results disappointing. The concurrent nature of electricity in the Constitutiort impedes power sector improvement. States are more responsive to populist pressures than the central government, and less inclined to take drastic action against electricity thieves. Captive power would add significantly to capacity. I However, captive generation, three years after the Act enabledit, has added little to capacity because rules for open access ,were delayed. Redefined captive generation avoids state vetoes on purchase lr sale of electricity except to state electricity enterprises. Mandating open access on state-owned wires to power regardless of ownership and customer would encourage electricity trading. The Act recognised electncity trading as a separate activity. A surcharge on transmission chsrges will pay for cross-subsidies. These were to be eliminated m time. Rules for open access and the quantum of surcharge by each state commission (under broad principles defined by the central commission) have yet to be announced by same. The few who have announced the surcharge have kept it so high that no tradmg can take place. DISTANCE |
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Answer» keep away |
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| 134. |
Amartya Sen wrote about the Indian tradition of skepticism and heterodoxy of opinion that led to high levels of intellectual argument. The power sector in India is a victim of this tradition at its worst. Instead of forcefully communicating, supporting and honestly and firmly implementing policies, people just debate them. It is argued that central undertakings produce power at lower tariffs and must therefore build most of the required extra capacities. This is a delusion. They no longer have access to low- cost government fonds. Uncertainty about payment reillains a reason for the hesitation of private investment. They had to sell only to SEBs (State Electricity Boards). SEB balance sheets are cleaner after . the ''securitisation" of the Rs 40,000 crore or so owed by SEBs to central government undertakings, now shown as debt instruments. But state governments have not implemented agreed plans to ensure repayment when due. The current annual losses of around Rs 28,000 crore make repayment highly uncertain. The central undertakings that are thejr main suppliers have payment security because the government will come to their help. Private enterprises do not have such assurance and are concerned about payment security, that must be resolved. By the late 1890s, improving the SEB finances was recognised as fundamental to power reform. Unbundling SEBs, working under corporate discipline and even privatisation and not vertically integrated state enterprises, are necessary for efficient and finandally viable electricity enterprises. Since government will not distance itself from managing them, privatising is an option. The Delhi model has worked. But. it receives no public support. The Electricity Act 2003, the APRDP (Accelerated Power Reform and Development Programme) with its incentives and · penalties, and the creation of independent regulatory commissions, were the means to bring about reforms to improve financial viability of power sector Implementation has been half-hearted and results disappointing. The concurrent nature of electricity in the Constitutiort impedes power sector improvement. States are more responsive to populist pressures than the central government, and less inclined to take drastic action against electricity thieves. Captive power would add significantly to capacity. I However, captive generation, three years after the Act enabledit, has added little to capacity because rules for open access ,were delayed. Redefined captive generation avoids state vetoes on purchase lr sale of electricity except to state electricity enterprises. Mandating open access on state-owned wires to power regardless of ownership and customer would encourage electricity trading. The Act recognised electncity trading as a separate activity. A surcharge on transmission chsrges will pay for cross-subsidies. These were to be eliminated m time. Rules for open access and the quantum of surcharge by each state commission (under broad principles defined by the central commission) have yet to be announced by same. The few who have announced the surcharge have kept it so high that no tradmg can take place. Why were the results of the power sector reforms NOT as had been anticipated? |
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Answer» The means to bring about REFORMS were illconceived |
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| 135. |
Amartya Sen wrote about the Indian tradition of skepticism and heterodoxy of opinion that led to high levels of intellectual argument. The power sector in India is a victim of this tradition at its worst. Instead of forcefully communicating, supporting and honestly and firmly implementing policies, people just debate them. It is argued that central undertakings produce power at lower tariffs and must therefore build most of the required extra capacities. This is a delusion. They no longer have access to low- cost government fonds. Uncertainty about payment reillains a reason for the hesitation of private investment. They had to sell only to SEBs (State Electricity Boards). SEB balance sheets are cleaner after . the ''securitisation" of the Rs 40,000 crore or so owed by SEBs to central government undertakings, now shown as debt instruments. But state governments have not implemented agreed plans to ensure repayment when due. The current annual losses of around Rs 28,000 crore make repayment highly uncertain. The central undertakings that are thejr main suppliers have payment security because the government will come to their help. Private enterprises do not have such assurance and are concerned about payment security, that must be resolved. By the late 1890s, improving the SEB finances was recognised as fundamental to power reform. Unbundling SEBs, working under corporate discipline and even privatisation and not vertically integrated state enterprises, are necessary for efficient and finandally viable electricity enterprises. Since government will not distance itself from managing them, privatising is an option. The Delhi model has worked. But. it receives no public support. The Electricity Act 2003, the APRDP (Accelerated Power Reform and Development Programme) with its incentives and · penalties, and the creation of independent regulatory commissions, were the means to bring about reforms to improve financial viability of power sector Implementation has been half-hearted and results disappointing. The concurrent nature of electricity in the Constitutiort impedes power sector improvement. States are more responsive to populist pressures than the central government, and less inclined to take drastic action against electricity thieves. Captive power would add significantly to capacity. I However, captive generation, three years after the Act enabledit, has added little to capacity because rules for open access ,were delayed. Redefined captive generation avoids state vetoes on purchase lr sale of electricity except to state electricity enterprises. Mandating open access on state-owned wires to power regardless of ownership and customer would encourage electricity trading. The Act recognised electncity trading as a separate activity. A surcharge on transmission chsrges will pay for cross-subsidies. These were to be eliminated m time. Rules for open access and the quantum of surcharge by each state commission (under broad principles defined by the central commission) have yet to be announced by same. The few who have announced the surcharge have kept it so high that no tradmg can take place. What serious drawback of the states is pointed out by the author of the passage? |
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Answer» The incentives and penalties enforced by the states were disproportionately incomparable |
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| 136. |
Amartya Sen wrote about the Indian tradition of skepticism and heterodoxy of opinion that led to high levels of intellectual argument. The power sector in India is a victim of this tradition at its worst. Instead of forcefully communicating, supporting and honestly and firmly implementing policies, people just debate them. It is argued that central undertakings produce power at lower tariffs and must therefore build most of the required extra capacities. This is a delusion. They no longer have access to low- cost government fonds. Uncertainty about payment reillains a reason for the hesitation of private investment. They had to sell only to SEBs (State Electricity Boards). SEB balance sheets are cleaner after . the ''securitisation" of the Rs 40,000 crore or so owed by SEBs to central government undertakings, now shown as debt instruments. But state governments have not implemented agreed plans to ensure repayment when due. The current annual losses of around Rs 28,000 crore make repayment highly uncertain. The central undertakings that are thejr main suppliers have payment security because the government will come to their help. Private enterprises do not have such assurance and are concerned about payment security, that must be resolved. By the late 1890s, improving the SEB finances was recognised as fundamental to power reform. Unbundling SEBs, working under corporate discipline and even privatisation and not vertically integrated state enterprises, are necessary for efficient and finandally viable electricity enterprises. Since government will not distance itself from managing them, privatising is an option. The Delhi model has worked. But. it receives no public support. The Electricity Act 2003, the APRDP (Accelerated Power Reform and Development Programme) with its incentives and · penalties, and the creation of independent regulatory commissions, were the means to bring about reforms to improve financial viability of power sector Implementation has been half-hearted and results disappointing. The concurrent nature of electricity in the Constitutiort impedes power sector improvement. States are more responsive to populist pressures than the central government, and less inclined to take drastic action against electricity thieves. Captive power would add significantly to capacity. I However, captive generation, three years after the Act enabledit, has added little to capacity because rules for open access ,were delayed. Redefined captive generation avoids state vetoes on purchase lr sale of electricity except to state electricity enterprises. Mandating open access on state-owned wires to power regardless of ownership and customer would encourage electricity trading. The Act recognised electncity trading as a separate activity. A surcharge on transmission chsrges will pay for cross-subsidies. These were to be eliminated m time. Rules for open access and the quantum of surcharge by each state commission (under broad principles defined by the central commission) have yet to be announced by same. The few who have announced the surcharge have kept it so high that no tradmg can take place. FORCEFULLY |
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Answer» vehemently |
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| 137. |
Amartya Sen wrote about the Indian tradition of skepticism and heterodoxy of opinion that led to high levels of intellectual argument. The power sector in India is a victim of this tradition at its worst. Instead of forcefully communicating, supporting and honestly and firmly implementing policies, people just debate them. It is argued that central undertakings produce power at lower tariffs and must therefore build most of the required extra capacities. This is a delusion. They no longer have access to low- cost government fonds. Uncertainty about payment reillains a reason for the hesitation of private investment. They had to sell only to SEBs (State Electricity Boards). SEB balance sheets are cleaner after . the ''securitisation" of the Rs 40,000 crore or so owed by SEBs to central government undertakings, now shown as debt instruments. But state governments have not implemented agreed plans to ensure repayment when due. The current annual losses of around Rs 28,000 crore make repayment highly uncertain. The central undertakings that are thejr main suppliers have payment security because the government will come to their help. Private enterprises do not have such assurance and are concerned about payment security, that must be resolved. By the late 1890s, improving the SEB finances was recognised as fundamental to power reform. Unbundling SEBs, working under corporate discipline and even privatisation and not vertically integrated state enterprises, are necessary for efficient and finandally viable electricity enterprises. Since government will not distance itself from managing them, privatising is an option. The Delhi model has worked. But. it receives no public support. The Electricity Act 2003, the APRDP (Accelerated Power Reform and Development Programme) with its incentives and · penalties, and the creation of independent regulatory commissions, were the means to bring about reforms to improve financial viability of power sector Implementation has been half-hearted and results disappointing. The concurrent nature of electricity in the Constitutiort impedes power sector improvement. States are more responsive to populist pressures than the central government, and less inclined to take drastic action against electricity thieves. Captive power would add significantly to capacity. I However, captive generation, three years after the Act enabledit, has added little to capacity because rules for open access ,were delayed. Redefined captive generation avoids state vetoes on purchase lr sale of electricity except to state electricity enterprises. Mandating open access on state-owned wires to power regardless of ownership and customer would encourage electricity trading. The Act recognised electncity trading as a separate activity. A surcharge on transmission chsrges will pay for cross-subsidies. These were to be eliminated m time. Rules for open access and the quantum of surcharge by each state commission (under broad principles defined by the central commission) have yet to be announced by same. The few who have announced the surcharge have kept it so high that no tradmg can take place. IMPEDE |
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Answer» interferes |
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| 138. |
Amartya Sen wrote about the Indian tradition of skepticism and heterodoxy of opinion that led to high levels of intellectual argument. The power sector in India is a victim of this tradition at its worst. Instead of forcefully communicating, supporting and honestly and firmly implementing policies, people just debate them. It is argued that central undertakings produce power at lower tariffs and must therefore build most of the required extra capacities. This is a delusion. They no longer have access to low- cost government fonds. Uncertainty about payment reillains a reason for the hesitation of private investment. They had to sell only to SEBs (State Electricity Boards). SEB balance sheets are cleaner after . the ''securitisation" of the Rs 40,000 crore or so owed by SEBs to central government undertakings, now shown as debt instruments. But state governments have not implemented agreed plans to ensure repayment when due. The current annual losses of around Rs 28,000 crore make repayment highly uncertain. The central undertakings that are thejr main suppliers have payment security because the government will come to their help. Private enterprises do not have such assurance and are concerned about payment security, that must be resolved. By the late 1890s, improving the SEB finances was recognised as fundamental to power reform. Unbundling SEBs, working under corporate discipline and even privatisation and not vertically integrated state enterprises, are necessary for efficient and finandally viable electricity enterprises. Since government will not distance itself from managing them, privatising is an option. The Delhi model has worked. But. it receives no public support. The Electricity Act 2003, the APRDP (Accelerated Power Reform and Development Programme) with its incentives and · penalties, and the creation of independent regulatory commissions, were the means to bring about reforms to improve financial viability of power sector Implementation has been half-hearted and results disappointing. The concurrent nature of electricity in the Constitutiort impedes power sector improvement. States are more responsive to populist pressures than the central government, and less inclined to take drastic action against electricity thieves. Captive power would add significantly to capacity. I However, captive generation, three years after the Act enabledit, has added little to capacity because rules for open access ,were delayed. Redefined captive generation avoids state vetoes on purchase lr sale of electricity except to state electricity enterprises. Mandating open access on state-owned wires to power regardless of ownership and customer would encourage electricity trading. The Act recognised electncity trading as a separate activity. A surcharge on transmission chsrges will pay for cross-subsidies. These were to be eliminated m time. Rules for open access and the quantum of surcharge by each state commission (under broad principles defined by the central commission) have yet to be announced by same. The few who have announced the surcharge have kept it so high that no tradmg can take place. DELUSION |
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Answer» PROPER understanding |
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| 139. |
Amartya Sen wrote about the Indian tradition of skepticism and heterodoxy of opinion that led to high levels of intellectual argument. The power sector in India is a victim of this tradition at its worst. Instead of forcefully communicating, supporting and honestly and firmly implementing policies, people just debate them. It is argued that central undertakings produce power at lower tariffs and must therefore build most of the required extra capacities. This is a delusion. They no longer have access to low- cost government fonds. Uncertainty about payment reillains a reason for the hesitation of private investment. They had to sell only to SEBs (State Electricity Boards). SEB balance sheets are cleaner after . the ''securitisation" of the Rs 40,000 crore or so owed by SEBs to central government undertakings, now shown as debt instruments. But state governments have not implemented agreed plans to ensure repayment when due. The current annual losses of around Rs 28,000 crore make repayment highly uncertain. The central undertakings that are thejr main suppliers have payment security because the government will come to their help. Private enterprises do not have such assurance and are concerned about payment security, that must be resolved. By the late 1890s, improving the SEB finances was recognised as fundamental to power reform. Unbundling SEBs, working under corporate discipline and even privatisation and not vertically integrated state enterprises, are necessary for efficient and finandally viable electricity enterprises. Since government will not distance itself from managing them, privatising is an option. The Delhi model has worked. But. it receives no public support. The Electricity Act 2003, the APRDP (Accelerated Power Reform and Development Programme) with its incentives and · penalties, and the creation of independent regulatory commissions, were the means to bring about reforms to improve financial viability of power sector Implementation has been half-hearted and results disappointing. The concurrent nature of electricity in the Constitutiort impedes power sector improvement. States are more responsive to populist pressures than the central government, and less inclined to take drastic action against electricity thieves. Captive power would add significantly to capacity. I However, captive generation, three years after the Act enabledit, has added little to capacity because rules for open access ,were delayed. Redefined captive generation avoids state vetoes on purchase lr sale of electricity except to state electricity enterprises. Mandating open access on state-owned wires to power regardless of ownership and customer would encourage electricity trading. The Act recognised electncity trading as a separate activity. A surcharge on transmission chsrges will pay for cross-subsidies. These were to be eliminated m time. Rules for open access and the quantum of surcharge by each state commission (under broad principles defined by the central commission) have yet to be announced by same. The few who have announced the surcharge have kept it so high that no tradmg can take place. VIABILITY |
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Answer» ability to reform |
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| 140. |
Amartya Sen wrote about the Indian tradition of skepticism and heterodoxy of opinion that led to high levels of intellectual argument. The power sector in India is a victim of this tradition at its worst. Instead of forcefully communicating, supporting and honestly and firmly implementing policies, people just debate them. It is argued that central undertakings produce power at lower tariffs and must therefore build most of the required extra capacities. This is a delusion. They no longer have access to low- cost government fonds. Uncertainty about payment reillains a reason for the hesitation of private investment. They had to sell only to SEBs (State Electricity Boards). SEB balance sheets are cleaner after . the ''securitisation" of the Rs 40,000 crore or so owed by SEBs to central government undertakings, now shown as debt instruments. But state governments have not implemented agreed plans to ensure repayment when due. The current annual losses of around Rs 28,000 crore make repayment highly uncertain. The central undertakings that are thejr main suppliers have payment security because the government will come to their help. Private enterprises do not have such assurance and are concerned about payment security, that must be resolved. By the late 1890s, improving the SEB finances was recognised as fundamental to power reform. Unbundling SEBs, working under corporate discipline and even privatisation and not vertically integrated state enterprises, are necessary for efficient and finandally viable electricity enterprises. Since government will not distance itself from managing them, privatising is an option. The Delhi model has worked. But. it receives no public support. The Electricity Act 2003, the APRDP (Accelerated Power Reform and Development Programme) with its incentives and · penalties, and the creation of independent regulatory commissions, were the means to bring about reforms to improve financial viability of power sector Implementation has been half-hearted and results disappointing. The concurrent nature of electricity in the Constitutiort impedes power sector improvement. States are more responsive to populist pressures than the central government, and less inclined to take drastic action against electricity thieves. Captive power would add significantly to capacity. I However, captive generation, three years after the Act enabledit, has added little to capacity because rules for open access ,were delayed. Redefined captive generation avoids state vetoes on purchase lr sale of electricity except to state electricity enterprises. Mandating open access on state-owned wires to power regardless of ownership and customer would encourage electricity trading. The Act recognised electncity trading as a separate activity. A surcharge on transmission chsrges will pay for cross-subsidies. These were to be eliminated m time. Rules for open access and the quantum of surcharge by each state commission (under broad principles defined by the central commission) have yet to be announced by same. The few who have announced the surcharge have kept it so high that no tradmg can take place. UNBUNDLING |
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Answer» disorganising |
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| 141. |
A. Leaders from both sides,including Prime Ministers Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Benazir Bhutto, had pushed for it. B. The announcement by India and Pakistan of plans to operationalisea visa-free corridor between C. situted on the site on the bank of the Ravi where the founder of Sikhism, Guru Nanak, spent his last 18 years. D. Dera Baba Nanak in Indian Punjab and Kartarpur Sahib in Pakistan's Punjab heeds a longstanding plea ofSikh pilgrims. E. That demand had gathered pace in 1995, when Pakistan renovated the Kartarpur gurdwara, Which of the following will be the SECOND sentenceafter the rearrangement? |
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Answer» A |
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| 142. |
A. Leaders from both sides,including Prime Ministers Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Benazir Bhutto, had pushed for it. B. The announcement by India and Pakistan of plans to operationalisea visa-free corridor between C. situted on the site on the bank of the Ravi where the founder of Sikhism, Guru Nanak, spent his last 18 years. D. Dera Baba Nanak in Indian Punjab and Kartarpur Sahib in Pakistan's Punjab heeds a longstanding plea ofSikh pilgrims. E. That demand had gathered pace in 1995, when Pakistan renovated the Kartarpur gurdwara, Which of the following will be the FOURTH sentenceafter the rearrangement? |
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Answer» A Therefore, the correct sequence WOULD be, BADECA. Hence the correct answer here is option (b). |
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| 143. |
A. Leaders from both sides,including Prime Ministers Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Benazir Bhutto, had pushed for it. B. The announcement by India and Pakistan of plans to operationalisea visa-free corridor between C. situted on the site on the bank of the Ravi where the founder of Sikhism, Guru Nanak, spent his last 18 years. D. Dera Baba Nanak in Indian Punjab and Kartarpur Sahib in Pakistan's Punjab heeds a longstanding plea ofSikh pilgrims. E. That demand had gathered pace in 1995, when Pakistan renovated the Kartarpur gurdwara, Which of the following will be the THIRD sentenceafter the rearrangement? |
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Answer» A |
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| 144. |
A. Leaders from both sides,including Prime Ministers Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Benazir Bhutto, had pushed for it. B. The announcement by India and Pakistan of plans to operationalisea visa-free corridor between C. situted on the site on the bank of the Ravi where the founder of Sikhism, Guru Nanak, spent his last 18 years. D. Dera Baba Nanak in Indian Punjab and Kartarpur Sahib in Pakistan's Punjab heeds a longstanding plea ofSikh pilgrims. E. That demand had gathered pace in 1995, when Pakistan renovated the Kartarpur gurdwara, Which of the following will be the FIRST sentenceafter the rearrangement? |
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Answer» E |
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| 145. |
A. Leaders from both sides,including Prime Ministers Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Benazir Bhutto, had pushed for it. B. The announcement by India and Pakistan of plans to operationalisea visa-free corridor between C. situted on the site on the bank of the Ravi where the founder of Sikhism, Guru Nanak, spent his last 18 years. D. Dera Baba Nanak in Indian Punjab and Kartarpur Sahib in Pakistan's Punjab heeds a longstanding plea ofSikh pilgrims. E. That demand had gathered pace in 1995, when Pakistan renovated the Kartarpur gurdwara, Which of the following will be the FIFTH sentenceafter the rearrangement? |
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Answer» A |
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| 146. |
Asia's rapid rise is the most successful story of economic development in recent histo(y. Income per capita reached nearly $5.000 in purchasing power parity terms in 2010. lnvestment rates averaged 35% of GDP over the decade. The number of people living below the $1 .25-a-day poverty line fell by 430 millionbetween2005 and 2010. With such achievements at a time when much of the rest of the world struggles with austerity measures and economic recovery. Asian leaders might be tempted to switch to autopilot. But closer examination of the region's economic and socialprospects soon reveals many paradoxes. The world's fastest growing region remains home to nearly half the world's extreme poor. While Asia has made tremendous inroads in the fight against poverty, not enough of the region's economic prosperity is reaching its poorest people. In urban areas of China, for example, the Gini coefficient (a measurement used to calculate inequality) has risen more than 35% since 1890. Nearly half a billion Asians still lack access to safe drinking water any infant mortality in many nations is more than 10 times higher than the levels seen in developed economics. While "Factory Asia" may be true for manufacturing and information technology services, vast number of its people are illiterate and unemployed. Its financial sector is underdeveloped, with many people having no access to simple banking, let alone other financial services. Asia's future prosperity, and the eradication of extreme poverty, will require much more than simply high growth. Growth must be accompanied by a narrowing of inequality. It is essential to balance the region's economic expansion with more inclusive policies. Cut off by poor roads, telecommunications, or government policies that don't allow them to easily borrow or save, Asia's poor and vulnerable are watching the chasm between rich and poor grow ever wider. That gap in prosperity can aggravate simmering social, economic and political tensions.Asian governments can help stem widening inequality by creating better conditions for the private sector to take the lead on economic expansion, continuing to promote economic diversification, and by spending on social services, education and healthcare, and regional road, sea and air networks that will open more opportunities to more people. There are areas where western governments can help too. By investing in infrastructure alongside public lenders, they can help attract much larger sums from the private sector. Asia can also capitalise on financial lessons from the west, particularly when it comes to setting banking regulations, strengthening regional links, and promoting bonds to better utilise Asiansavings. When describing where Asia stands today, it's useful to remember that what we are witnessing is not the emergence ofAsia, but rather the re-emergence of Asia. In 1820, Asia accounted for about 60% of total global output, with China and India together accounting for nearly half of global GDP. This was followed by nearly two centuries of economic decline once the western industrial evolution took hold - a trend that, since the information age, has been solidly reversed. By implementing structural reforms and opening their economics. China and others have rapidly emerged as engines of the global economy. The recent Asian Development Bank study suggests that we could see Asia producing over half of global GDP by mid- century, and 3 billions Asians would be considered part f the rich world, with capita income levels equal to that of Europe today. Carefully calibrated government support can help steer Asia's economic potential, reducing political risks while opening new markets to help move the west beyond the current crisis. In the long run, an Asian economy built on sustainable growth can support greater levels of trade, and generate growth in tourism. Conversely, a weaker Asia presents a host of threats to the west's · future growth and prosperity. Embracing globalisation and regional co-operation has helped bring developing Asia success. By further strengthening this process by focusing on greater access and inclusion within economics, and pursuing sustainable development and improved governance, an "Asian century" is both plausible and within reach. But policies that worked when Asia was low-income and capital scarce are less likely to work today and unlikely to work in the future. Asia's leaders must devise bold and innovative national policies while pursuing regional and global co-operation. Long term prosperity will depend on the intensity of resource use, including water and food, and success in managing the region'scarbon footprint. Asia's challenges remain for-midable, and its future prosperity m~st be earned. The right policy choices today could indeed make this the "Asian century", but this is far frompreordained. Simmering |
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Answer» SEETHING Calm= peaceful. Look at the sentence: There was simmering anger AMONG agitators |
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| 147. |
Asia's rapid rise is the most successful story of economic development in recent histo(y. Income per capita reached nearly $5.000 in purchasing power parity terms in 2010. lnvestment rates averaged 35% of GDP over the decade. The number of people living below the $1 .25-a-day poverty line fell by 430 millionbetween2005 and 2010. With such achievements at a time when much of the rest of the world struggles with austerity measures and economic recovery. Asian leaders might be tempted to switch to autopilot. But closer examination of the region's economic and socialprospects soon reveals many paradoxes. The world's fastest growing region remains home to nearly half the world's extreme poor. While Asia has made tremendous inroads in the fight against poverty, not enough of the region's economic prosperity is reaching its poorest people. In urban areas of China, for example, the Gini coefficient (a measurement used to calculate inequality) has risen more than 35% since 1890. Nearly half a billion Asians still lack access to safe drinking water any infant mortality in many nations is more than 10 times higher than the levels seen in developed economics. While "Factory Asia" may be true for manufacturing and information technology services, vast number of its people are illiterate and unemployed. Its financial sector is underdeveloped, with many people having no access to simple banking, let alone other financial services. Asia's future prosperity, and the eradication of extreme poverty, will require much more than simply high growth. Growth must be accompanied by a narrowing of inequality. It is essential to balance the region's economic expansion with more inclusive policies. Cut off by poor roads, telecommunications, or government policies that don't allow them to easily borrow or save, Asia's poor and vulnerable are watching the chasm between rich and poor grow ever wider. That gap in prosperity can aggravate simmering social, economic and political tensions.Asian governments can help stem widening inequality by creating better conditions for the private sector to take the lead on economic expansion, continuing to promote economic diversification, and by spending on social services, education and healthcare, and regional road, sea and air networks that will open more opportunities to more people. There are areas where western governments can help too. By investing in infrastructure alongside public lenders, they can help attract much larger sums from the private sector. Asia can also capitalise on financial lessons from the west, particularly when it comes to setting banking regulations, strengthening regional links, and promoting bonds to better utilise Asiansavings. When describing where Asia stands today, it's useful to remember that what we are witnessing is not the emergence ofAsia, but rather the re-emergence of Asia. In 1820, Asia accounted for about 60% of total global output, with China and India together accounting for nearly half of global GDP. This was followed by nearly two centuries of economic decline once the western industrial evolution took hold - a trend that, since the information age, has been solidly reversed. By implementing structural reforms and opening their economics. China and others have rapidly emerged as engines of the global economy. The recent Asian Development Bank study suggests that we could see Asia producing over half of global GDP by mid- century, and 3 billions Asians would be considered part f the rich world, with capita income levels equal to that of Europe today. Carefully calibrated government support can help steer Asia's economic potential, reducing political risks while opening new markets to help move the west beyond the current crisis. In the long run, an Asian economy built on sustainable growth can support greater levels of trade, and generate growth in tourism. Conversely, a weaker Asia presents a host of threats to the west's · future growth and prosperity. Embracing globalisation and regional co-operation has helped bring developing Asia success. By further strengthening this process by focusing on greater access and inclusion within economics, and pursuing sustainable development and improved governance, an "Asian century" is both plausible and within reach. But policies that worked when Asia was low-income and capital scarce are less likely to work today and unlikely to work in the future. Asia's leaders must devise bold and innovative national policies while pursuing regional and global co-operation. Long term prosperity will depend on the intensity of resource use, including water and food, and success in managing the region'scarbon footprint. Asia's challenges remain for-midable, and its future prosperity m~st be earned. The right policy choices today could indeed make this the "Asian century", but this is far frompreordained. Inroads |
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Answer» Noticeable effect Look at the sentence: Tax rises have MADE some inroads into the country's NATIONAL debt. |
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| 148. |
Asia's rapid rise is the most successful story of economic development in recent histo(y. Income per capita reached nearly $5.000 in purchasing power parity terms in 2010. lnvestment rates averaged 35% of GDP over the decade. The number of people living below the $1 .25-a-day poverty line fell by 430 millionbetween2005 and 2010. With such achievements at a time when much of the rest of the world struggles with austerity measures and economic recovery. Asian leaders might be tempted to switch to autopilot. But closer examination of the region's economic and socialprospects soon reveals many paradoxes. The world's fastest growing region remains home to nearly half the world's extreme poor. While Asia has made tremendous inroads in the fight against poverty, not enough of the region's economic prosperity is reaching its poorest people. In urban areas of China, for example, the Gini coefficient (a measurement used to calculate inequality) has risen more than 35% since 1890. Nearly half a billion Asians still lack access to safe drinking water any infant mortality in many nations is more than 10 times higher than the levels seen in developed economics. While "Factory Asia" may be true for manufacturing and information technology services, vast number of its people are illiterate and unemployed. Its financial sector is underdeveloped, with many people having no access to simple banking, let alone other financial services. Asia's future prosperity, and the eradication of extreme poverty, will require much more than simply high growth. Growth must be accompanied by a narrowing of inequality. It is essential to balance the region's economic expansion with more inclusive policies. Cut off by poor roads, telecommunications, or government policies that don't allow them to easily borrow or save, Asia's poor and vulnerable are watching the chasm between rich and poor grow ever wider. That gap in prosperity can aggravate simmering social, economic and political tensions.Asian governments can help stem widening inequality by creating better conditions for the private sector to take the lead on economic expansion, continuing to promote economic diversification, and by spending on social services, education and healthcare, and regional road, sea and air networks that will open more opportunities to more people. There are areas where western governments can help too. By investing in infrastructure alongside public lenders, they can help attract much larger sums from the private sector. Asia can also capitalise on financial lessons from the west, particularly when it comes to setting banking regulations, strengthening regional links, and promoting bonds to better utilise Asiansavings. When describing where Asia stands today, it's useful to remember that what we are witnessing is not the emergence ofAsia, but rather the re-emergence of Asia. In 1820, Asia accounted for about 60% of total global output, with China and India together accounting for nearly half of global GDP. This was followed by nearly two centuries of economic decline once the western industrial evolution took hold - a trend that, since the information age, has been solidly reversed. By implementing structural reforms and opening their economics. China and others have rapidly emerged as engines of the global economy. The recent Asian Development Bank study suggests that we could see Asia producing over half of global GDP by mid- century, and 3 billions Asians would be considered part f the rich world, with capita income levels equal to that of Europe today. Carefully calibrated government support can help steer Asia's economic potential, reducing political risks while opening new markets to help move the west beyond the current crisis. In the long run, an Asian economy built on sustainable growth can support greater levels of trade, and generate growth in tourism. Conversely, a weaker Asia presents a host of threats to the west's · future growth and prosperity. Embracing globalisation and regional co-operation has helped bring developing Asia success. By further strengthening this process by focusing on greater access and inclusion within economics, and pursuing sustainable development and improved governance, an "Asian century" is both plausible and within reach. But policies that worked when Asia was low-income and capital scarce are less likely to work today and unlikely to work in the future. Asia's leaders must devise bold and innovative national policies while pursuing regional and global co-operation. Long term prosperity will depend on the intensity of resource use, including water and food, and success in managing the region'scarbon footprint. Asia's challenges remain for-midable, and its future prosperity m~st be earned. The right policy choices today could indeed make this the "Asian century", but this is far frompreordained. Aggravate |
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Answer» worsen Assuage (Verb) = to make an unpleasant situation LESS severe. |
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| 149. |
Asia's rapid rise is the most successful story of economic development in recent histo(y. Income per capita reached nearly $5.000 in purchasing power parity terms in 2010. lnvestment rates averaged 35% of GDP over the decade. The number of people living below the $1 .25-a-day poverty line fell by 430 millionbetween2005 and 2010. With such achievements at a time when much of the rest of the world struggles with austerity measures and economic recovery. Asian leaders might be tempted to switch to autopilot. But closer examination of the region's economic and socialprospects soon reveals many paradoxes. The world's fastest growing region remains home to nearly half the world's extreme poor. While Asia has made tremendous inroads in the fight against poverty, not enough of the region's economic prosperity is reaching its poorest people. In urban areas of China, for example, the Gini coefficient (a measurement used to calculate inequality) has risen more than 35% since 1890. Nearly half a billion Asians still lack access to safe drinking water any infant mortality in many nations is more than 10 times higher than the levels seen in developed economics. While "Factory Asia" may be true for manufacturing and information technology services, vast number of its people are illiterate and unemployed. Its financial sector is underdeveloped, with many people having no access to simple banking, let alone other financial services. Asia's future prosperity, and the eradication of extreme poverty, will require much more than simply high growth. Growth must be accompanied by a narrowing of inequality. It is essential to balance the region's economic expansion with more inclusive policies. Cut off by poor roads, telecommunications, or government policies that don't allow them to easily borrow or save, Asia's poor and vulnerable are watching the chasm between rich and poor grow ever wider. That gap in prosperity can aggravate simmering social, economic and political tensions.Asian governments can help stem widening inequality by creating better conditions for the private sector to take the lead on economic expansion, continuing to promote economic diversification, and by spending on social services, education and healthcare, and regional road, sea and air networks that will open more opportunities to more people. There are areas where western governments can help too. By investing in infrastructure alongside public lenders, they can help attract much larger sums from the private sector. Asia can also capitalise on financial lessons from the west, particularly when it comes to setting banking regulations, strengthening regional links, and promoting bonds to better utilise Asiansavings. When describing where Asia stands today, it's useful to remember that what we are witnessing is not the emergence ofAsia, but rather the re-emergence of Asia. In 1820, Asia accounted for about 60% of total global output, with China and India together accounting for nearly half of global GDP. This was followed by nearly two centuries of economic decline once the western industrial evolution took hold - a trend that, since the information age, has been solidly reversed. By implementing structural reforms and opening their economics. China and others have rapidly emerged as engines of the global economy. The recent Asian Development Bank study suggests that we could see Asia producing over half of global GDP by mid- century, and 3 billions Asians would be considered part f the rich world, with capita income levels equal to that of Europe today. Carefully calibrated government support can help steer Asia's economic potential, reducing political risks while opening new markets to help move the west beyond the current crisis. In the long run, an Asian economy built on sustainable growth can support greater levels of trade, and generate growth in tourism. Conversely, a weaker Asia presents a host of threats to the west's · future growth and prosperity. Embracing globalisation and regional co-operation has helped bring developing Asia success. By further strengthening this process by focusing on greater access and inclusion within economics, and pursuing sustainable development and improved governance, an "Asian century" is both plausible and within reach. But policies that worked when Asia was low-income and capital scarce are less likely to work today and unlikely to work in the future. Asia's leaders must devise bold and innovative national policies while pursuing regional and global co-operation. Long term prosperity will depend on the intensity of resource use, including water and food, and success in managing the region'scarbon footprint. Asia's challenges remain for-midable, and its future prosperity m~st be earned. The right policy choices today could indeed make this the "Asian century", but this is far frompreordained. Which of the following statements is not correct as per the given information in the passage? |
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Answer» According to the Asian Development Bank STUDY. Asia can produce over half of global GDP by mid-century. |
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| 150. |
Asia's rapid rise is the most successful story of economic development in recent histo(y. Income per capita reached nearly $5.000 in purchasing power parity terms in 2010. lnvestment rates averaged 35% of GDP over the decade. The number of people living below the $1 .25-a-day poverty line fell by 430 millionbetween2005 and 2010. With such achievements at a time when much of the rest of the world struggles with austerity measures and economic recovery. Asian leaders might be tempted to switch to autopilot. But closer examination of the region's economic and socialprospects soon reveals many paradoxes. The world's fastest growing region remains home to nearly half the world's extreme poor. While Asia has made tremendous inroads in the fight against poverty, not enough of the region's economic prosperity is reaching its poorest people. In urban areas of China, for example, the Gini coefficient (a measurement used to calculate inequality) has risen more than 35% since 1890. Nearly half a billion Asians still lack access to safe drinking water any infant mortality in many nations is more than 10 times higher than the levels seen in developed economics. While "Factory Asia" may be true for manufacturing and information technology services, vast number of its people are illiterate and unemployed. Its financial sector is underdeveloped, with many people having no access to simple banking, let alone other financial services. Asia's future prosperity, and the eradication of extreme poverty, will require much more than simply high growth. Growth must be accompanied by a narrowing of inequality. It is essential to balance the region's economic expansion with more inclusive policies. Cut off by poor roads, telecommunications, or government policies that don't allow them to easily borrow or save, Asia's poor and vulnerable are watching the chasm between rich and poor grow ever wider. That gap in prosperity can aggravate simmering social, economic and political tensions.Asian governments can help stem widening inequality by creating better conditions for the private sector to take the lead on economic expansion, continuing to promote economic diversification, and by spending on social services, education and healthcare, and regional road, sea and air networks that will open more opportunities to more people. There are areas where western governments can help too. By investing in infrastructure alongside public lenders, they can help attract much larger sums from the private sector. Asia can also capitalise on financial lessons from the west, particularly when it comes to setting banking regulations, strengthening regional links, and promoting bonds to better utilise Asiansavings. When describing where Asia stands today, it's useful to remember that what we are witnessing is not the emergence ofAsia, but rather the re-emergence of Asia. In 1820, Asia accounted for about 60% of total global output, with China and India together accounting for nearly half of global GDP. This was followed by nearly two centuries of economic decline once the western industrial evolution took hold - a trend that, since the information age, has been solidly reversed. By implementing structural reforms and opening their economics. China and others have rapidly emerged as engines of the global economy. The recent Asian Development Bank study suggests that we could see Asia producing over half of global GDP by mid- century, and 3 billions Asians would be considered part f the rich world, with capita income levels equal to that of Europe today. Carefully calibrated government support can help steer Asia's economic potential, reducing political risks while opening new markets to help move the west beyond the current crisis. In the long run, an Asian economy built on sustainable growth can support greater levels of trade, and generate growth in tourism. Conversely, a weaker Asia presents a host of threats to the west's · future growth and prosperity. Embracing globalisation and regional co-operation has helped bring developing Asia success. By further strengthening this process by focusing on greater access and inclusion within economics, and pursuing sustainable development and improved governance, an "Asian century" is both plausible and within reach. But policies that worked when Asia was low-income and capital scarce are less likely to work today and unlikely to work in the future. Asia's leaders must devise bold and innovative national policies while pursuing regional and global co-operation. Long term prosperity will depend on the intensity of resource use, including water and food, and success in managing the region'scarbon footprint. Asia's challenges remain for-midable, and its future prosperity m~st be earned. The right policy choices today could indeed make this the "Asian century", but this is far frompreordained. Austerity |
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Answer» auscultation Look at the sentence: War was followed by many YEARS of austerity. |
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